With Hillary Clinton's health in serious doubt, her VP pick Tim Kaine is drawing a little more attention as the election draws near. Ken Blackwell, ambassador to the UN Commission on Human Rights, and a former Secretary of State of Ohio and Cincinnati Mayor, penned a piece for The Hill over the weekend that focuses on Kaine's "radical roots" and "Soviet sympathizing mentors."
Digging deeper into Kaine's supposedly life-transforming "mission" trip to Latin America in 1980, in which he embraced the Marxist-based, heretical strategy of liberation theology, Blackwell notes that "Kaine's political formation wasn't pro-American or pro-Catholic, it was pro-Soviet":
Liberation theology itself was quite possibly a product of a Kremlin disinformation campaign designed to undermine the Church and bring Catholic countries into the Soviet sphere. The top-ranking Soviet Bloc defector of the Cold War, Gen. Ion Pacepa admits that he was personally involved in the operation.
Blackwell went on to state that, whatever the nature of liberation theology now, in the 1980s it was "the hardcore, Cold War variety — an avowed Marxist ideology inimical to the institutional Catholic Church and to the United States":
Just how hardcore were his Jesuit teachers? Well, around the time Kaine was there, Jesuits were arrested for gunrunning, and, the next year, the Honduran government banned any more American Jesuits from coming to that country because of their left-wing activism.
They also expelled one American-born Jesuit, who also had to leave that religious community because he was too radical even for them. That priest was Father Jim Carney, and he was the one the New York Times us tells Kaine sought out across the border in Soviet-supported Nicaragua, taking a bus and then walking several miles to meet him.
Carney was "a full-blown revolutionary" who accompanied Cuban and Nicaraguan trained insurgents into Honduras to spread the Nicaraguan Communist revolution there. That team was led by Honduras' top Marxist Jose Reyes Mata, who had previously served with Che Guevara in Bolivia.
Carney and Reyes Mata were ultimately captured and killed. "Kaine worried about American complicity in an extrajudicial killing," notes Blackwell, "but he didn't seem bothered by Carney's participation in a Communist-sponsored insurgency and invasion of Honduras."
The brutal Nicaraguan Sandinistas, founded by the KGB and supported and armed by the Cubans, Soviets and East Germans, "were far worse than the dictatorship they had replaced. What blocked them from total victory was the Reagan administration and the Catholic Church. Why Kaine felt the need to go Nicaragua, and meet a friend of violent revolutionaries is murky."
Blackwell goes on to question Kaine's professed Catholicism (the latter opposes Pope Francis on abortion, and marriage, and religious freedom):
Did Kaine's mentors teach him the art of Soviet disinformation — call yourself the very thing you seek to undermine and try to destroy it from within?
If that is what he's doing, does it apply just to his faith, or to his country as well?
Blackwell concludes by asserting that Kaine's questionable Catholicism "serves neither his Church nor his country, but a Leftist political agenda" that runs "against the interests of freedom and the United States."
If Hillary wins the presidency and then becomes physically incapable of serving, anyone who thinks that the subversive Kaine would be a less objectionable substitute should think again.
